今天为大家带来的是经济学人的4月文章，虽然是前几年的内容，但是文章的质量和观点却不逊色，感兴趣的同学可以来看一下哦。
一、文章目录.
[2013.03.30] Online media 网络媒体
[2013.03.30] Know your own strength 实力究竟如何，当有自知之明
Dark matter 寻寻觅觅暗物质
[2013.02.02] If in doubt, innovate 若质疑，则创新
[2013.04.06]Inside the cult of Kim 平壤一如往常
[2013.04.07] Law of the lend 借贷的法则——LIBOR丑闻后续报道
[2013.04.08]The lady who changed the world 改变世界的女人 撒切尔夫人
[2013.04.13] Sex, drugs and hope 性、药物与希望
[2013.04.13]The death of inflation 通货膨胀的终结
[2013.04.13] Abs-olutely fabulous 男性魅力|腹肌，绝对是极好的
[2013.04.13] Smoking: Weight watchers 抽烟=减肥
[2013.04.19] Clean, safe and it drives itself 清洁，安全并且自动驾驶
[2013.04.20] You’re not welcome 这里不欢迎你们
[2013.04.20] Horn of scarcity 犀角难再得
[2013.04.20] Paris, c’est fini 巴黎我们缘尽了
[2013.04.20] China’s economy: Speed isn’t everything速度并非一切
[2013.04.27] A continued infrastructure boom: Going underground 大修地铁
[2013.04.27] Apple: Tim Cook's cash card 库克先生打出现金牌
[2013.04.27] America and the 2nd world war 美国参加二战为何犹豫不决
[2013.04.27] Butterflies in America: To marvel at all things 美国的蝴蝶
二、文章内容
[2013.04.06]Inside the cult of Kim 平壤一如往常
North Korean tensions
北韩的紧张局势
Inside the cult of Kim
生活在对金正恩的盲目崇拜之中
Despite doomsday warnings, life continues as abnormal as ever in the capital
首都那种反常的生活并未因末日的叫嚣而有所改变
Apr 6th 2013 | PYONGYANG |From the print edition
IT IS hard to talk about normality in North Korea. But as its leaders each day cranked up the threats of merciless all-out war with America and South Korea, residents in and around the capital, Pyongyang, appeared to be busier preparing for the coming of spring than a coming war.
如今的北韩难以用“正常”两个字来形容。金正恩每天都在叫嚣，要对美国和南韩发动一场全面的、无情的战争，并且调门一天高过一天。但是，在首都平壤附近，相比即将到来的战争而言，居民似乎都在为春天的到来而忙忙碌碌。
At a time of high tension on the Korean peninsula, a propaganda blitz in Pyongyang warning of something akin to a doomsday “do-or-die” battle was relentless. On March 26th people crowded around television screens to watch a newsreader in pink bark out orders from the top brass of the Korean People's Army for field units to be ready to attack American bases and conduct “physical action” against South Korea.
就在朝鲜半岛局势高度紧张之际，一场旷日持久的宣传大战时刻都在提醒人们注意，这是一场“你死我活”的末日之战。3月26日，人们都聚集在电视机前，看着屏幕上那位身着粉红色服装的播音员，声色俱厉地宣布了朝鲜人民军最高司令部的命令：我们的野战部队已经做好了进攻美国军事基地的准备，并且南韩也是我们“物理性行动”的对象。
As the days wore on, the threats increased to encompass nuclear war, while painted posters emerged on main streets showing rockets raining down on Washington, DC. The state news agency, KCNA, issued daily reports emphasising what is a pattern of the propaganda: that the regime's belligerence is in response to dire threats from outside, such as the deployment of American B-2 stealth bombers and F-22 fighters as part of joint exercises by American and South Korean armed forces south of the heavily fortified demilitarised zone (DMZ). To its people, North Korea is painted as victim, not aggressor. On March 31st the regime described the country’s nuclear weapons (still few and crude) as the nation’s “life” that would never be abandoned while outside forces threatened it with nuclear attack.
几天后，叫嚣再次升级，这回他们把核战争也牵扯了进来。同时，画有“导弹雨”倾泻到华盛顿内容的海报也出现在平壤主要大街上。北韩的官方新闻通讯社——朝鲜中央通讯社播发的每日新闻亦在让人们相信，这种宣传是为了达到什么样的目的：我们之所以好斗，就是因为外界极端势力的威胁。例如，作为重兵布防的非军事区(DMZ)以南进行联合军事演习的一部分，美国竟然派出B-2隐形轰炸机和F-22战斗机参加。因此对于北韩的民众来说，国家被描绘成一个受害者，而不是一个挑衅者。3月31日，金正恩又把(为数极少并且尚出开发阶段的)核武器说成是民族的“命脉”，当外部势力以核进攻相威胁时，他们永远也不会放弃核武器。
Yet for a solipsistic society force-fed on the fear of nuclear annihilation, the few signs that the capital was on anywhere near a war footing appeared more comical than convincing—like a version of “Dad's Army” in totalitarian drag. Buses and trams got up in camouflage looked as if they were wearing hairnets with the odd leaf stuck on. Locals chuckled when a foreigner warned facetiously that if they blended in any better, other vehicles might crash into them.
然而，对于这个被强制灌输了核末日恐惧，并且自以为是的社会来说，首都平壤基本见不到战争脚步临近的迹象，它看上去反而更让人相信这是一个滑稽可笑的城市——让人误以为这个集权主义国家怎么也会出现《老爸上战场》的一幕。大街上的公交车和有轨电车都挂上了迷彩，看上去就像是头戴发网，同时又插上几根稀奇古怪的树叶一般。见到这般情景，一个外国人开玩笑说，如果公交车隐藏得再好一些，保不准其他车辆会迎面撞上它们。听到他们这样说，当地人就会在咯咯地笑个不停。
North Korea is the most highly militarised society on earth. Yet in the capital the only guns on view were wooden ones, carried by some callow-looking cadets. The heaviest concentration of soldiers was on the road from Pyongyang’s airport (no military planes visible): hundreds of conscripts, shovels in hand, were digging up a park and planting trees. Work brigades thronged the capital, busy on grass verges planting spring flowers.
北韩号称世界上军事化程度最高的国家。然而，你在平壤所能见到的唯一的武器，竟然就是一些乳臭未干的军校学员手中的木头枪支;而士兵最密集的地方是在通往平壤机场的大道两旁。沿街走来，你会看到数百名手持铁锨的士兵正在一个公园中挖坑种树，聚集在首都的工程兵部队正在绿化带边上忙着为春天栽种花草。
In Pyongyang it was hard to escape the impression that the threats and bluster aimed at America and the South were mainly for domestic consumption. They seemed intended to present Kim Jong Un, the young dictator, as a fearless commander-in-chief. External threats justify North Korea's paranoia and enforced isolation, whatever hardships are imposed on its people. And it provides existential drama to a nation used to mind-numbing, wall-to-wall Kim worship as entertainment.
平壤给人一种难以磨灭印象，好像那些针对美国和南韩的威胁与叫嚣主要是针对国内而言。这些宣传似乎就是为了让国内民众知道，金正恩是一位天不怕地不怕的总司令。不管金正恩给他的民众带来了何种的苦难，外界的威胁反而证明他的偏执狂是正确的，同时还强化了他的与众不同。除此之外，对于这个已经习惯于对金正恩顶礼膜拜的国家，这些宣传还给这场正在上演的闹剧增添了一些娱乐精神。
There is something of an end-of-the-world cult to it all. In conversation, people talk of Mr Kim, his father and his grandfather in hushed, revered tones. Mr Kim's decision to build roller-skating parks for the capital's pampered children is narrated ecstatically. There is rather less talk of the fact that one in four North Korean children (nearly all in the provinces) is stunted from malnutrition.
这种盲目崇拜类似于信奉世界末日的邪教。一提到金正恩本人以及他的父亲和祖父，人们就会压低声音，毕恭毕敬;一说起金正恩为首都那些娇惯的孩子们建造一座旱冰场的决定，人们又会口若悬河，欣喜若狂;但是，当你告诉他们，每四个北韩孩子中就有一个死于营养不良(北韩各地几乎都有这种事情发生)这一事实时，谁都会噤若寒蝉，莫谈国事。
Theatre of the absurd
荒诞的舞台
Along the Taedong river winding through Pyongyang, revolutionary music wafts across at every turn, providing what sounds like a soundtrack to an epic death-or-glory film. At sunrise, a piercing soprano belts out from a sound van. The song is about seizing victory “in one breath”—an exhortation to speed that is also written on the wall of the new 20-storey central bank, whose construction beside the river seems to have slowed.
沿着流经平壤的大同江顺流而下，每到一处转弯，河岸上都会传来革命的音乐声，这声音听起来就像是某部描述为光荣而战死疆场的电影史诗的原声再现。每当太阳升起来的时候，大喇叭中都会传来一个极具穿透力的女高音，她在鼓舞人们为了胜利而“一鼓作气”勇猛向前。巧合的是，这也正是写在北韩中央银行大楼上的一句话，这座位于在大同江边的20层高楼曾以“一鼓作气”的速度拔地而起，但如今的建筑进程似乎已经没有那么快了。
Curiously, some of the privileged residents of Pyongyang continue to lap the propaganda up. People gape at television reruns of the late dictator, the paunchy, awkward Kim Jong Il, visiting hospitals and factories—though they must have watched clips of these inspections countless times before.
令人不解的是，平壤特权阶层的一些人仍对这些宣传趋之若鹜。对于电视上反复播放有关金正日的纪录片，尽管他们在此之前，已经不知道看过多少遍，只要这位挺着大肚子，走路颤颤悠悠的独裁者一出现，他们就会在聚精会神地盯着屏幕。
The distracted mood in Pyongyang may not persist elsewhere. It is thought that three-quarters of North Korea’s 1.1m troops are stationed within 60 miles (100km) of the DMZ, with reportedly 10,000 artillery pieces capable of hitting Seoul. Yet South Korean and American intelligence suggests no unusual troop movements.
在平壤以外的地区，人们可能感受不到这种令人心烦意乱的情绪。据称，北韩110多万现役军人中有四分之三被部署在距离非军事区60公里的范围内，同时还有10000门大炮能够对首尔进行打击。不过，据南韩和美国的情报部门称，他们并未发现任何不正常的军事调动。
It is perhaps economic consequences which cause most worry in Pyongyang. Since North Korea sent a satellite-bearing rocket into orbit in December, the currency has weakened on the black market by a tenth, to about 8,000 won to the dollar. The official rate stands at 100 won to the dollar. A good public-service job pays about 3,000 won a month, which is less than 50 American cents at the unofficial exchange rate.
也许，最令平壤人担心的是由于制裁而造成的经济后果。自去年12月将一颗可以携带卫星的火箭送入轨道后，朝圆在黑市上的汇率已经下跌了10%，达到8000朝圆兑换1美元。与此同时，官方的汇率却一直保持在100朝圆兑换1美元的水平。在北韩，一个待遇不错的公务员，每月的工资为3000朝圆。如果把他的工资拿到黑市上去连50美分都兑换不到。
Yet the swanky bars and coffee shops that foreign tourists frequent are full of uniformed North Koreans. It suggests that the more the exchange rate weakens, the more a privileged elite with access to hard currency benefits.
然而，在那些外国人常去的时髦酒吧和咖啡馆中，满眼都是穿着制服的北韩人。这表明，汇率的下跌得越多，那些能够兑换到硬通货特权阶层就能获得的好处就更多。
International sanctions, tightened after North Korea's nuclear test in February, cause worry for some Pyongyang residents. The sanctions, they fret, may put off hard-currency investment in North Korea, which growing numbers of state-backed businesses are seeking.
自北韩在今年2月份进行了核试验之后，国际社会强化了对这个国家的制裁。对此，一些平壤人忧心忡忡。他们担心，制裁会使国家取消真金白银的投入，而越来越多的国有企业所急需的正是这部分资金。
Possibly the weakest point for the regime, and a potential restraint on its belligerence, is the glaring lack of mechanisation in the economy. In the capital and the surrounding countryside, it is sheer manpower, rather than machines or fuel, that appears to keep the economy going. As teams of farmers, men and women, broke the icy winter soil for planting, not a tractor was running. On one rutted road, a Porsche, probably driven by a foreign investor in North Korea, raced past old men and women in peasant gear pushing handcarts laden with sacks of seed uphill. The most evident form of free-market enterprise appeared to be the old men sitting by the roadside with kits to mend punctured bicycle tyres.
不过，对这个政权来说，经济明显缺乏机械化或许是该国最为薄弱，同时也是对其好斗秉性存在着潜在制约性的环节。在首都及其周边地区，让经济运行起来的不是机械或者燃料，而是纯粹的人力。当一队队的农民在冰冻的土地上耕作时，你所看到的除了男人就是妇女，压根见不到一台拖拉机。在由车辙所形成的路上，年迈的农民推着装满了种子的手推车，吃力地向山上行进。这时，一辆不知是不是由某位国外投资者所驾驶的保时捷从他们的身边呼啸而过。在这个国家中，自由市场经济最为明显的例证，或许就是那位坐在路边，用各种小工具为人们修补自行车轮胎的老人。
While throngs walked from one town to the next, Pyongyang was visible in the distance. Unlike most capital cities, it was not enveloped in smog—for the big factories appear to run slowly, when they run at all. Instead, gleaming on the horizon was the futuristic, 105-storey Ryugyong Hotel, shaped like a thrusting dagger. It, too, does not work, for there is no money to complete it. From a Porsche, it must make for a stirring sight. For anyone pushing bent-backed behind their handcarts, in any normal country it would feel like merciless mockery.
人流穿过一个又一个城镇，而远处的平壤却依稀可见。回首望去，你会发现这个城市与大多数国家的首都有一点是最不相同：这是一个尚未被烟雾所笼罩的城市。因为，即便平壤周边的工厂开足马力，它们的生产速度似乎也是慢慢悠悠的。相比之下，矗立在地平线上的是一座带有未来主义风格的建筑物，高达105层的柳京饭店就像是一把匕首直插天际。不过，如今就连这座饭店也已经因资金匮乏而停工。从保时捷的车窗中向外望去，目之所及令人心神不宁。因为，在任何一个正常的国家中，看到那些低头弯腰，正在吃力地推着手推车的人，无论如何都给人一种被残忍所愚弄的感觉。
[2013.04.07] Law of the lend 借贷的法则——LIBOR丑闻后续报道
【导读】最近，一名联邦法官驳回了对LIBOR操纵案涉案银行的大部分指控，是何原因?
The LIBOR Scandal
伦敦银行同业拆借利率丑闻
Law of the lend
借贷的法则
A federal judge throws out much, but not all, of the rate-setting case
联邦法官驳回了LIBOR报价案中大部分的诉讼请求，但仍有保留
Apr 6th 2013 | NEW YORK |From the print edition
2013.4.6 |纽约|印刷版
FEW financial scandals have had more implications than the one tied to the London Interbank Offered Rate (LIBOR). A number used in the pricing of at least $300 trillion in securities was found to have been manipulated for years. Three banks have paid serious fines: RBS, UBS and Barclays. Careers have been shattered. Yet an unresolved question remains: was there a violation of law?
直至今日，像LIBOR操纵案这般牵连众多的金融丑闻还没有几出。但是人们发现，这个至少给300万亿美元证券估价的利率数值，已被人操纵数年之久。苏格兰皇家银行(RBS)、瑞银(UBS)和巴克莱(Barclays)三家银行已支付了巨额罚金。某些银行人士的职业生涯就此终结。然而还有一个问题没有解决：LIBOR操纵案是否涉嫌违法?
The answer is, largely, no, according to a 161-page opinion released on March 29th by Naomi Reice Buchwald, a federal judge in the southern district of New York. Most of the American civil litigation has been consolidated in her court and the sheer scope of the opinion is an implicit acknowledgment that the conclusions will be carefully reviewed. In part, this is because it encompasses so much: the structure of an international component of domestic financial markets, the limits of American law and the time constraints for filing claims. But a larger factor is simply the size of the potential claims, which are substantial.
答案是，基本没有。依据来源是纽约南区联邦地区法官内奥米•瑞斯•布赫瓦尔德(Naomi Reice Buchwald)于3月29日发布的一份长达161页的裁决书【1】。在她受理的这起案件里，大部分美国民事诉讼是原告以集体诉讼的方式起诉，而整本裁决书也只是委婉的承认了裁决结果还有待详细核查。部分是因为这起案件包含的内容太多：国内金融市场里国际组成部分的结构，美国法律的适用范围以及申请索赔的时间期限。但是，更重要的一个因素是，原告提出的索赔金额数目庞大。
Ms Buchwald’s most important ruling was to dismiss claims that banks conspired to manipulate rates, violating competition law. That may seem surprising. Traders acknowledge submitting false prices; they had financial incentives to do so. But nothing is entirely obvious when it comes to LIBOR because of the odd way it is set.
布赫瓦尔德女士最重要的裁决，就是驳回了针对涉案银行秘密操控利率、违反竞争法的指控。这似乎令人意外。交易员承认他们提交了虚假报价;而且他们这么做也是受利益驱动。但一谈到LIBOR，一切就都不明朗了，因为LIBOR的定价机制很古怪。
During the period between August 2007 and May 2010 covered in the litigation, 16 banks participated in a panel under the auspices of the British Bankers’ Association, providing daily estimates of what their own borrowing costs would be, even if they never borrowed. The highest and lowest sets of prices were thrown out; the rest averaged. This was not, Ms Buchwald wrote, a competitive market—the price was not a bid and nothing was bought. It was a co-operative process and thus competition laws did not apply.
在2007年8月至2010年5月期间，也就是该诉讼案的案发时期，16家银行在英国银行家协会(British Bankers’ Association)的赞助下，成立了一个小组，每天提供他们对自身借贷成本的预估，即使并没有产生实际的借贷行为。去掉最高值和最低值后，算出余下定价的平均值，就是所谓的伦敦银行同业拆借利率。布赫瓦尔德在意见书中写道，这并不是一个竞争性市场——该定价并不是真正报价，也没有交易发生。它是一个合作性质的过程，因此竞争法并不适用。
With that decision, Ms Buchwald in effect dismissed claims brought by three of the four core groups of plaintiffs: holders of LIBOR-linked bonds, of mutual funds and of over-the-counter securities. That left only those who traded LIBOR-linked contracts on the Chicago Mercantile Exchange as the focal point for litigation. Retaining even these claims was no sure thing. Ms Buchwald rejected the notion that LIBOR manipulation occurring in London was covered by American law. But she accepted that LIBOR alleged to have been used to manipulate prices of contracts traded in Chicago was. This is the second big case to touch on the issue of how American law affects financial products traded elsewhere, and more are coming.
根据这一裁定，布赫瓦尔德实际上就是驳回了三家核心原告团(共四家)——LIBOR相关债券持有者、互惠基金持有人以及场外交易债券持有者的指控。这样一来，诉讼的焦点就只集中在芝加哥商品交易所的LIBOR相关合同交易人。即便是未被驳回的指控也不一定能保留下来。布赫瓦尔德不认为发生在伦敦的LIBOR操控案受美国法律的约束。但她却认为利用LIBOR操纵芝加哥商品交易所的合同交易价格一案却适用此法。就美国法律对别处交易的金融产品的影响而言，这是第二起涉及该问题的重大案件，将来还会有更多。
Still, even these plaintiffs did not fare particularly well, as Ms Buchwald dismissed many claims for having been filed beyond the two-year limit from when news reports of LIBOR problems first appeared. “We recognise”, she wrote, “that it might be unexpected that we are dismissing a substantial portion of plaintiffs’ claims, given that several of the defendants have already paid penalties to government regulatory agencies reaching into the billions of dollars.”
然而，即便是这些原告，进展也不是特别好 ，因为布赫瓦尔德以受理时间超过两年期(从新闻媒体首次报道LIBOR问题开始)为由，驳回了不少指控。“我们承认”，她写道，“考虑到几位被告已经支付了政府监管机构开出的上十亿美元的罚金，我们驳回了原告的大部分指控，也许这是人们意料之外的。”
The reason, she says, is that public and private enforcement can differ, with the government actions tied to “broad public interests” such as the integrity of the market and competition, and private actions hinging on whether a particular plaintiff deserves compensation. Her exoneration of the defendants rests in large part on the premise that the real problem was not in fake data but in a fake market. Maybe in the next go-round plaintiffs should take a crack at whoever promoted such a market in the first place.
她的理由是，公共执法和私人执法可以有所不同，政府诉讼着眼于 “广大公共利益”，比如市场和竞争的公正性;而私人诉讼的结果则取决于某一特定原告是否应该获得赔偿。她之所以赦免被告，很大程度上是因为真正的问题不在于虚假的LIBOR数据，而在于虚假的市场。也许下一次在法庭上争辩时，原告应试着弄清楚到底是谁，一开始推动了这个虚假的市场。
From the print edition: Finance and economics
译者注：
【1】法官驳回Libor案中对涉案银行的部分指控
在Libor操控案的主要诉讼中，原告寻求以集体诉讼方式起诉这些银行。而这16家银行向法院递交了驳回指控的动议。法官Buchwald周五裁定，只受理涉案银行违反商品交易法的指控。
如果她的这一裁决不被推翻，则意味着Libor操纵案相关诉讼的核心指控被驳回。根据美国的反垄断法，如果企业被认定有操控价格等垄断行为，最高可被判罚损害金额的三倍罚金。
除非原告就这一裁决提出上诉，否则，法官周五就反垄断指控作出的裁定将大大降低涉案银行面临的潜在赔偿损失。
法官Buchwald裁定，这些银行的被控行为没有违反联邦反垄断法规，部分理由是Libor设定过程是合作性质的，从来都不是竞争性质的。
Buchwald在裁决书中写道，这就意味着，即便这些银行采用不当的估算方式为Libor定价，投资者和其他原告所蒙受的损失也是由银行虚假陈述造成的，与竞争损害无关。
[2013.04.08]The lady who changed the world 改变世界的女人 撒切尔夫人
Margaret Thatcher
玛格丽特·撒切尔
The lady who changed the world
改变世界的女人
Apr 8th 2013, 12:35 by Economist.com
ONLY a handful of peace-time politicians can claim to have changed the world. Margaret Thatcher, who died this morning, was one. She transformed not just her own Conservative Party, but the whole of British politics. Her enthusiasm for privatisation launched a global revolution and her willingness to stand up to tyranny helped to bring an end to the Soviet Union. Winston Churchill won a war, but he never created an “ism”.
和平时期以改变世界为己任的政治家为数寥寥。今天早上去世的玛格丽特·撒切尔就是这样一个人。她不仅改造了保守党，也改变了整个英国政坛。她对私有化的热情引发了全球革命，她对抗暴政的意志加速了苏联灭亡。温斯顿·丘吉尔取得了战争的胜利，但他从来没有创造一个“主义”。
The essence of Thatcherism was to oppose the status quo and bet on freedom—odd, since as a prim control freak, she was in some ways the embodiment of conservatism. She thought nations could become great only if individuals were set free. Her struggles had a theme: the right of individuals to run their own lives, as free as possible from the micromanagement of the state.
撒切尔主义的本质是反抗现状，争取自由——这很奇怪，她是一个拘谨并且有强烈控制欲的人，体现了保守主义的某些特征。她认为只有个人获得自由，国家才能强盛。让个人能够掌控自己的生活，国家的微观管理尽量提供自由，这是她为之奋斗的主题。
In Britain her battles with the left—especially the miners—gave her a reputation as a blue-rinse Boadicea. But she was just as willing to clobber her own side, sidelining old-fashioned Tory “wets” and unleashing her creed on conservative strongholds, notably the “big bang” in the City of London. Many of her pithiest putdowns were directed towards her own side: “U turn if you want to”, she told the Conservatives as unemployment passed 2m, “The lady’s not for turning.”
在英国她与左派——特别是矿工——斗争，这让她得到了“蓝发博阿迪西亚”的绰号。但是，她乐于抨击自己所在一方，她还把保守党内的“温和派”晾在一边，并且向保守派大本营灌输她的保守观点，尤其是有关伦敦金融城“大爆炸”的看法。许多最简练的抨击是针对她自己阵营中的人，当失业率超过200万时她对保守党说：“你们想回头是可以的，但这位女士不会回头。”
Paradoxes abound. Mrs Thatcher was a true Blue Tory who marginalised the Tory Party for a generation. The Tories ceased to be a national party, retreating to the south and the suburbs and all but dying off in Scotland, Wales and the northern cities. Tony Blair profited more from the Thatcher revolution than John Major, her successor: with the trade unions emasculated and the left discredited, he was able to remodel his party and sell it triumphantly to Middle England. His huge majority in 1997 ushered in 13 years of New Labour rule.
悖论无处不在。作为真正的保守党人，她使保守党在一代人的时间里游离于主流社会之外。保守党不再是一个全国性的政党，它的势力范围已经退缩到英国南部和城市郊区，同时还差点失去苏格兰、威尔士和北部城镇地区。托尼·布莱尔从撒切尔革命获得的收益比约翰·梅杰(撒切尔的继任者)要多。工会势力遭到削弱，左派失去信任，他得以重塑自己的政党，并在英格兰中部将它成功出售。1997年，他在议会赢得多数，迎来13年的工党统治。
Yet her achievements cannot be gainsaid. She reversed what her mentor, Keith Joseph, liked to call “the ratchet effect”, whereby the state was rewarded for its failures with yet more power. With the brief exception of the emergency measures taken in the wake of the financial crisis of 2007-08, there have been no moves to renationalise industries or to resume a policy of picking winners. Thanks to her, the centre of gravity of British politics moved dramatically to the right. The New Labourites of the 1990s concluded that they could rescue the Labour Party from ruin only by adopting the central tenets of Thatcherism. “The presumption should be that economic activity is best left to the private sector,” declared Mr Blair. Neither he nor his successors would dream of reverting to the days of nationalisation and unfettered union power.
然而她取得了不可磨灭的成就。她走到了恩师基斯•约瑟夫的对立面，她喜欢把自己的政策称之为“棘轮效应”，即国家的权利太多，就要面临失败。除了在2007年-2008年的金融危机爆发之后，政府曾短暂地采取了一些紧急措施之外，国家对工业企业再也没有实行过收归国有的政策，同时也没有再次实行过挑选赢家的政策。多亏了撒切尔，英国政治的重心急剧右移。20世纪90年代的新工党曾总结说，他们只有采纳撒切尔主义的核心理念才能将工党从废墟中拯救出来。托尼•布莱尔也曾这样说道：“我们认为，经济活动最好留给私营部门。”无论是托尼•布莱尔还是他的继任者，都不再梦想着回到国有化和不受束缚的工会权力的时代。
On the world stage, too, Mrs Thatcher continues to cast a long shadow. Her combination of ideological certainty and global prominence ensured that Britain played a role in the collapse of the Soviet Union that was disproportionate to its weight in the world. Mrs Thatcher was the first British politician since Winston Churchill to be taken seriously by the leaders of all the major powers. She was a heroine to opposition politicians in eastern Europe. Her willingness to stand shoulder to shoulder with “dear Ronnie” to block Soviet expansionism helped to promote new thinking in the Kremlin. But her insistence that Mikhail Gorbachev was a man with whom the West could do business also helped to end the cold war.
撒切尔夫人也在世界舞台上投下了漫长的身影。她坚定的意识形态举世瞩目的声望使英国对苏联瓦解起到了和它在世界所占分量不相符的作用。撒切尔夫人是自温斯顿·丘吉尔以来，第一位让所有大国领导人仔细掂量的英国政治家。她是东欧反对派政治家的英雄。她愿意和“亲爱的罗尼(里根总统)”齐心协力阻止苏联扩张，催生了克里姆林宫的新思维。但是她强调米哈伊尔•戈尔巴乔夫能和西方打交道，也有助于结束冷战。
The post-communist countries embraced her revolution heartily: by 1996 Russia had privatised some 18,000 industrial enterprises. India dismantled the licence Raj—a legacy of British Fabianism—and unleashed a cavalcade of successful companies. Across Latin America governments embraced market liberalisation. Whether they managed well or badly, all of them looked to the British example.
后共产主义国家热诚地接受了她的革命热：截止1996年俄罗斯对大约一万八千个工业企业实施了私有化。印度取消了英国费边主义的遗产——“牌照制度”，很多成功的公司脱颖而出。拉美政府实行市场自由化。不管他们做的好坏，都是比照着英国干的。
But today, the pendulum is swinging dangerously away from the principles Mrs Thatcher espoused. In most of the rich world, the state’s share of the economy has grown sharply in recent years. Regulations—excessive, as well as necessary—are tying up the private sector. Businessmen are under scrutiny as they have not been for 30 years. Demonstrators protest against the very existence of the banking industry. And with the rise of China, state control, not economic liberalism, is being hailed as a model for emerging countries.
然而今天的局势正在危险地背离了撒切尔夫人的信奉的法则。最近几年大部分发达国家经济的国有成分迅速增长。过分或者必要的管理——束缚着私营部门。商人遭受着30年以来从未有过的审查。示威者抗议当前的银行业，就中国崛起来说，国家控制，而非经济自由主义被当成新兴国家的典范。
For a world in desperate need of growth, this is the wrong direction to head in. Europe will never thrive until it frees up its markets. America will throttle its recovery unless it avoids over-regulation. China will not sustain its success unless it starts to liberalise. This is a crucial time to hang on to Margaret Thatcher’s central perception—that for countries to flourish, people need to push back against the advance of the state. What the world needs now is more Thatcherism, not less.
对于急需发展的世界来说，这不是正确的前进方向。不放开市场，欧洲永远也不会繁荣;不减少不必要的监管，美国很难复苏;不实行经济自由化，中国的成功不会持久。现在到了贯彻落实玛格丽特·撒切尔中心观念的关键时刻——对于蓬勃发展的国家，人民需要对抗国家势力的增长。世界要更广泛地推行撒切尔主义，而不是摒弃它。
Margaret Thatcher prepares for victory in the 1983 general election
玛格丽特·撒切尔为1983年的选举胜利做准备。
As Margaret Roberts, a grocer's daughter, she checks the price and quality of goods in 1950s Dartford, where she is standing for election
上世纪五十年代杂货商的女儿玛格利特· 罗伯茨在达特福德检查商品的货物和质量，她在那里参选。
A jubilant wave as Mrs Thatcher, shown with husband Denis and son Mark, wins the 1979 general election for the Conservatives
撒切尔夫人高兴地挥手，她和丈夫丹尼斯和儿子马克在一起，她为保守党赢得了1979年的大选。
Protests in Liverpool as unemployment rises to 2.16m in 1981 and Mrs Thatcher's popularity plummets
1981年失业人数达到二百一十六万，利物浦发生了抗议活动，撒切尔夫人的人气大幅下跌
Inside 10 Downing Street, Mrs Thatcher worked long hours
唐宁街10号内部，撒切尔夫人工作了很长时间
A shared purpose: with American president Ronald Reagan in 1984 during the Cold War
共同目标：冷战期间和美国总统罗纳德·里根在一起(1984年)
Antipathy towards integration during a European Economic Community summit in 1984
厌恶一体化，摄于1984年欧洲经济共同体峰会
The lady is not for turning: on a visit to British troops in Germany, four years after the Falklands War
不会改变的女人：马岛战争四年之后，检阅驻德国的英国军队
Mrs Thatcher wins a record third successive term in office as a result of the 1987 election victory
1987年选举获胜，撒切尔夫人赢得三连任记录
Lampooned by puppet makers in the television series "Spitting Image"
木偶制作人在电视上搞的刺系列“一模一样”
The thawing of relations with the Soviet Union: with Mikhail Gorbachev in 1990
和苏联的关系解冻，1990年和米哈伊尔•戈尔巴乔夫在一起
As Baroness Thatcher at the state opening of Parliament in 2010
2010年女男爵撒切尔出席 国会开幕大典。
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